Click on bold s in the text to follow links to footnotes. Use the "back" button on your browser to return to the main text. A bibliographic note can be found at the end of the text. Inhome economist and marketing expert Christine Frederick published Selling Mrs.
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ablany An industrial revolution that had begun with the manufacture of cotton and woolen textiles had, by the end of the nineteenth century, transformed the production of most everyday goods. Victoria de Grazia, ed. One woman who heard Walker speak offered a typical reaction: "Your talk inspired me so that I lookinf determined to see what good I could do in this world and for my people. As businesses sought ways to insure and enlarge consumer demand, they embraced new styles of merchandising, display, packaging, and advertising.
American women had long been consumers in a sense: they bought, bartered, and used goods. As one of her co-workers recalled, "When Waldo went back to tell the Social Work people, they were scandalized.
Successful recruits usually had already gained indispensable experience in the world of commerce. This would have to be during the week.
If the nineteenth century offered a carnivalesque, chaotic promotional world of peddlers and hucksters, the modern ad agency promised to create a national market of consumers, indeed, to systematize desire. These were intended to show case distinguished women not only or primarily because they were beautiful, but because they had accomplished something newsworthy domen of ificance to women.
Use the "back" button on your browser to return to the main text. One of the cultural products of this new infrastructure was an explicit conception of consumer identity, an identity that was simultaneously bound up in notions of the feminine. A worked for manufacturers and magazines to promote standardized goods, sanitary packaging, and brand-names, under the guise of good domestic practices. Not the one-dimensional Mrs.
New mass-circulation magazines also fostered a female culture of consumption. They traveled across the Midwest and even the South in a period of growing racial violence and segregation. This politicized notion of the consumer, promoted especially by white middle-class women, woen from the insight, propounded by late-nineteenth-century economists, that consumption was a kind of work and consumers were economic actors.
Bok began to break up stories and articles inforcing readers to turn to the back s where most of the advertisements were placed. Some scientists questioned the very existence of sex differences. Their recruits in turn trained other agents, eventually widening distribution throughout the nation.
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However, at different moments in our history, alternative, collective, and loooking concepts of consumption have come to the fore. Resor took control of the firm inand the two of them married in The career of Helen Landsdowne Resor illustrates both the opportunities and limitations women encountered in this effort. Indeed, women composed a small minority of professionals working in advertising, magazines, and newspapers in the early twentieth century, and they rarely controlled those enterprises or held executive positions within them.
In advertising agencies, the of career women rose substantially after but still made up only about three percent of advertising professionals in the largest firms in Consumer" in many ways reprised the older dichotomy of manly producers and domestic women. In department store merchandising, over forty fot of buyers were women by ; known for their independence, fashionability and world travel, they mfn style trends and determined how to translate them for popular taste.
For instance, Antoinette Donnelly, who wrote a syndicated newspaper column called "Beauty Hints," sold her name to a manufacturer of facial soap, who capitalized on her "brand identity. During the mass suffrage parades in New York in andshe led a contingent of advertising women. Other early testimonials featured such women as Alice Oldder Longworth and Mary McConnell Borah, daughters and wives of powerful men, visible in the world of politics but on its periphery.
One of the most well known shopping wkmen in New York City was a stretch of dry-goods emporia and specialty shops called "Ladies Mile," where women would come to promenade and shop, to see and be seen.
Consumer, then: women played a more complex role in the formation of modern consumer culture. I've never gotten head, have I gone down on a woman. Malone built an immense complex called Poro College, which housed not only the manufacturing plant, sales operations, and school for training agent-operators, but also a gymnasium, chapel, and hall for theater, music, and lectures; it served as a community center for black residents of St. By the nineteenth century, middle-class women became newly defined as "audiences" and "readers," consuming melodramas and novels for pleasure.
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At the same time, a ificant of women at J. Others perceived a niche within style marketing specifically for women and actively cultivated it. Radio manufacturers housed vacuum tubes and younter inside mahogany cases that would complement living room furniture. Rather that definition emerged as women experienced and responded to the new consumer economy. Some women actively sought to negotiate and even redefine what it meant to be a modern woman in a consumer society.
Other women became active in the Progressive Era movement for pure food and drugs.
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When her boss, Stanley Resor, left the firm to open a branch of the J. The woman consumer was considered emotional and impulsive, driven by "inarticulate longings" and "dormant desires. Yet there is no doubt that she was the driving, creative force at the company. These works include: Elaine S. In such locutions as "Mrs. Promoting the pleasures of looking and touching, merchants encouraged women to desire goods and be seduced by them. Inhome economist and marketing expert Christine Frederick published Selling Mrs.
Nor did they view the consumer solely through the lens of the profit motive, but committed themselves to African-American community building, social welfare, and politics.
Walter Thompson Company inshe went along as a copywriter; they transferred together to the New York office in Walker, for example, had worked nearly two decades ooder a domestic and laundress before she became an entrepreneur. One automaker produced cars in a multitude of colors and urged women to match their cars to their frocks. Behind the compelling image of the woman consumer projected by national advertising and mass media, women engaged in a myriad of commercial and social practices that gave shape and substance to modern consumer culture.
Originally dress-pattern magazines and farm journals, they became all-purpose "trade kooking for women," with a mix of fiction, general-interest news, and service departments for food preparation, fashion, and household management.